|  ot long ago, a 
        fifth-grade teacher spoke at a community meeting I held in Southern 
        Maine. He was distraught because he feared that he could not express his 
        opposition to the impending war in Iraq without paying a heavy price. In 
        a poem written earlier, he raised similar concerns. It reads, in part:
   
        
        I had my class write the troops I asked for a kids’ support group. Can I talk of peace?             I am told:            Say the pledge; sing the anthem; skip the question....   Americans, of course, can dissent. Yet we must be patriotic. Can a good American dissent?             I am told:             Say the pledge; sing the anthem; skip the question.   “To strike freedom of the mind with the fist of patriotism is an old 
        and ugly subtlety,” Adlai E. Stevenson, Jr. said half a century ago. Yet 
        that is what threatened to silence this intrepid teacher, along with 
        Senate Minority Leader Tom Daschle, Senator John Kerry, actors Tim 
        Robbins and Susan Sarandon, the Dixie Chicks, a hapless New York shopper 
        sporting a peace message on his T-shirt, and 
        countless others who have been chastised, arrested, banned, dis-invited 
        or intimidated by accusations that dissent is “unpatriotic.” “War never leaves a nation where it found it,” remarked the 
        eighteenth-century British statesman Edmund Burke. America’s war in Iraq 
        and war against terrorism are no exception. Since September
        11, 2001, the United States has not only 
        challenged its enemies with our military power, but, purportedly in 
        support of that effort, challenged our own people’s right to speak out. 
        A growing hostility to views out of sync with the President’s war plans 
        is apparent in the halls of Congress, the media, schools, and other 
        places where there should be a lively debate over American policy. The eerie silence and one-sided view of reality has been fueled by 
        statements and polices coming from the White House and Republican 
        Congressional leaders. The doctrine, “You’re either with us or against 
        us,” first applied internationally after September 11th 
        , has been alarmingly directed at domestic political discourse. 
        As Attorney General John Ashcroft told a Senate Committee: “To those who 
        scare peace-loving people with phantoms of lost liberty, my message is 
        this: Your tactics only aid terrorists, for they erode our national 
        unity and diminish our resolve.”  Sadly, the erosion of liberty is no phantom. Attorney General 
        Ashcroft himself, to quote Burke again, has orchestrated “[t]he true 
        danger[,]…when liberty is nibbled away, for expedients, and by parts.” Among other things, he banned public and media access to deportation 
        hearings in federal court and ordered U.S. 
        citizens to be treated as “military combatants,” held without charge, 
        and tried without access to counsel or meaningful judicial review. He 
        issued guidelines (rejected by the secret intelligence court) that would 
        have allowed prosecutors to direct searches without the law’s 
        requirement of probable cause.  Likewise, Ashcroft planned Operation TIPS, 
        which would have encouraged citizens to spy on each other. He rewrote 
        guidelines allowing the FBI to attend every 
        worship service, political demonstration, and public gathering, enter 
        every Internet chat room, and look at commercial records that reveal an 
        individual’s buying preferences and travel and Internet records. All 
        this information can now be gathered by the government whether or not 
        there is any evidence of criminal behavior by the individual.  Under proposed legislation Ashcroft is drafting – the so-called 
        Patriot Act II – a host of sweeping new powers 
        would be authorized, including allowing the secret detention of American 
        citizens held in connection with a terror investigation, obtaining 
        credit card and library records without a warrant, and repealing limits 
        on local police spying on religious and political activity. Public debate is also being stifled by a lack of balance and 
        competing viewpoints in the media. There is little to offset the 
        jingoistic reporting of cable TV and talk radio 
        shows. On Fox News, editorial comment has come to replace news 
        reporting. When MSNBC’s Ashleigh Banfield pointed 
        out the one-sided coverage of the war, she was roundly criticized by the 
        media, and even NBC refused to back her up.  The news sources Americans rely on are increasingly controlled by a 
        handful of owners, many with conservative political agendas that 
        dovetail with the Administration’s. Clear Channel, for example, now owns 
        about 1,200 radio stations, and its owners have 
        sponsored “support the troop” rallies. Performers who espouse anti-war 
        views are afraid they will be banned from the air if they speak their 
        mind. Indeed, a Colorado station recently suspended two disc jockeys for 
        playing songs by the Dixie Chicks. The Federal Communications Commission has just given the green light 
        for further concentration of media ownership. On June 2, 
        the FCC, voting along partisan lines, narrowly 
        adopted new regulations that lift the ban prohibiting a newspaper from 
        buying a television or radio broadcast station in the same city. The new 
        rules also allow television networks to buy more affiliate stations. Americans define ourselves by our freedom to question and criticize. 
        If we surrender those rights, through the force of law, by intimidation, 
        or as a result of ignorance, we compromise our very identity and the 
        cause for which we fight. N.B.: A version of this article appeared in The Bangor 
            Daily News, May 17-18, 2003   
 See also: Rep. Tom Allen Sen. Russell Feingold, “On 
        Opposing the USA PATRIOT Act” Library of Congress, “Legislation 
            Related to the Attack of September 11, 2001” Library of Congress, “HR3162: Uniting and Strengthening America 
            by Providing Appropriate Tools Required to Intercept and Obstruct 
            Terrorism (USA PATRIOT ACT) Act of 2001” The American Library Association, 
            The USA PATRIOT Act in the 
            Library  The Constitution Project
            See also, “Liberty and Security Initiative Releases First 
            Amendment Report”  Thomas Jefferson Center for the Protection of Free Expression “The September 11 Detainees: A Review of the Treatment of Aliens 
            Held on Immigration Charges in Connection with the Investigation of 
            the September 11 Attacks June 2003,” Office of the Inspector 
            General, Department of Justice “FCC Set to Vote on Easing Media Ownership Rules,” Frank Ahrens,
            Washington Post, June 2, 2003 
            A draft of the proposed 
            “Patriot II” Act Detailed critiques of the Patriot II draft: 
              ACLU 
              Center for Public Integrity The Lawyers Committee for Human Rights, 98-page report
              (pdf) on 
              post-Sept. 11 civil liberties The Electronic Privacy Information Center, PATRIOT-related site About Operation TIPS, see, inter alia, Lawyers Committee 
            for Human Rights, “A Year of Loss,” Chapter 2  In Archipelago, see: “A year in Washington,” Katherine McNamara “Patriotism and the Right of Free Speech in Wartime,” Katherine 
            McNamara “Where are the Weapons?,” Katherine 
            McNamara   
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